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June 21, 2005
Indigenous Federations and their Conflicts over Representation and Petroleum Development
I traveled to the Amazonian rainforest to a city called Puyo with my work on Tues-Thurs of last week. It was my second journey to the rainforest in a week. Pachamama was an NGO observer at a meeting of the Comité Interfederacional (CI), a conglomeration of the two Shuar indigenous political Federations (FICSH and FIPSE) and the one Achuar Federation, FINAE (now called NAE after being legally recognized as a Nation by the Ecuadorian government. However, I will use FINAE here because that is how they were recognized at the meeting). The Comité came together 8 years ago, at the end of 1996, to have more political sway and influence in the defense of common rights and the promotion of the goals of these Federations. As they described in their meeting, the original goals of CI were:
1. To continue to struggle for the defense of their territories, especially against petroleum development and other extractive industries such as mining and logging. They vowed to say NO TO PETROLEUM as a committee.2. To carry out elections in the county of Taisha with the goal of increasing political representation of the Shuar and Achuar. They also wanted to carry out a cycle of elections within the Comité Interfederacional to increase political participation among the base populations of these indigenous nations.
3. To promote, develop, and implement a strong bilingual education curriculum in the province of Morona Santiago.
They also agreed to come together as a committee in taking decisions or negotiating with outside sources like corporations or the government, rather than acting unilaterally.
The NGO observers at the meeting were Fundación Pachamama, the Center for Economic and Social Development (CDES), IBIS (An NGO from Denmark), Acción Ecológica and Centro Lianas.
Day 1:
It was really interesting to hear the cultural proclamations and speeches (which didn't progress anywhere and took up the first 3 hours of each day) and the differing stances and influence of the various leaders. The presidents, vice presidents and cabinets (made up of leaders of different programs, such as health, education, communication, territorial defense, etc) were all present, as well as a few ex-leaders and a few commoners from each indigenous nation. There were 30 indigenous people present in total, 25 men and 5 women (this does not include NGO reps). Milton Callera, the current president of both FINAE and CI, gave the opening address. Then each president spoke, and then others were given the chance to have their views heard. They spent quite a long time thanking people for being there and talking about the respect needed in the room and what needed to get done, and the next person repeated these statements but in an altered way. For the most part, they were gracious and courteous to each other, although after hours of sitting without a break, people started shifting in their seats and holding side conversations even at the negotiations table. Additionally, cell phones rang constantly, which was a disruption to anyone speaking; however, nobody suggested to turn all phones to silent or vibrate, and the meeting always continued after a few looks around the room.
The first items that were discussed pertained to the politics within CI. There was a grand deliberation over whether or not CI should continue to exist as an organization. Indeed, the committee had been quite successful in achieving its three goals and had built up a history and a wall of resistance to the entrance of extractive industries in there territories. The Presidents of each Federation explained that each Federation held different policies and characteristics and that they must continue to respect the autonomy of each Federation. At the same time, they acknowledged the need to find common ground and come together on their agreed-upon goals. From this statement, I thought that CI was about to disband, partially destroying all the hard work and solidarity that had been built in the past decade. Indeed, about 5 people talked about the need to dissolve the organization because it had met its goals and that this meeting was wasting time that could be used for other work. But right at the end of the first day of meetings, they quickly reversed their position after a few speeches by various people. They decided that they needed to work out their differences immediately and to continue participating in CI.
This immediate reversal was sparked by the declaration that the presidents of each Federation were planning to go to French Guinea the following day for a conference of COICA, a larger and wealthier international organization composed of indigenous nations from all over the Amazon Basin (Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Paraguay, Bolivia, Guyana, French Guinea, and more). After the president of FICSH, Enrique Cunambi, got up from the table with his briefcase (quite a demonstration of disrespect, actually), another leader asked him to stay for 30 minutes to talk about the inner politics of CI and sort them out. Cunambi said no. This sparked debate which led to the decision that each president would, in fact, stay in Puyo and sort out the problems of CI. They reasoned that they must take care of issues on the local level first, and that this took precedence over an international conference. Callera explained that they needed to remain strong as an organization because the Plan for Alternative Development of the Central-Southern Amazon is still a proposal held by CI and has not been put into action. He emphasized that the desires of the Federations would be listened to only if they could present this Plan as a unified body and say “these are the needs of the indigenous nations here!”
However, in these deliberations, Cunambi used his political influence to steer the conversation and, in deciding to remain in Puyo and keep CI together, pushed to terminate CI’s recognition of Luis Vargas, the current President of CONFENIAE (the largest political organization representing the Indigenous Nations of the Ecuadorian Amazon), as the leader of CONFENIAE. One Shuar explained that Luis Vargas was not the recognized as the leader by the Ministry of Social Welfare, and that he was not properly representing the interests and needs of the Shuar and Achuar to CONFENIAE or to the Ecuadorian government. They also decided to fail to recognize Jose Quenamá, another leader of CONFENIAE. Luis Vargas was already in French Guinea for the COICA meeting and was hoping for company to advance the interests of the Indigenous Nations of the Ecuadorian Amazon. According to my bosses at Pachamama, he had been corrupt in the past, but in his post as President of CONFENIAE, he had done an excellent job representing the interests of the Achuar and promoting the territorial defense and collective rights of the Amazonian indigenous nations in general. So this decision may have been a maneuver by Cunambi to try to assert greater power and even seek these positions himself. Thus, the accord was bittersweet: positive in that CI was held together and that the Federations are dealing with their problems and differences on the local level and doing so immediately; negative in that they disowned a strong and recognized leader.
An additional topic touched on and widely agreed upon on this first day pertained to greater political representation of Shuar and Achuar at higher levels of government. This discussion was mainly theoretical and no concrete organizational plans for these decisions were made. However, they highlighted the need to participate in PACHAKUTIK, the political party of CONAIE, the largest indigenous organization of Ecuador. Domingo, an Achuar man who used to be a leader but no longer held a post, wanted greater participation in PACHAKUTIK so that they could govern themselves in the province and further promote policies to benefit them. Cunambi declared that they must work to get a CI member as a deputy in the national Congress in 2006 and improve representation at the province and county levels. These assertions were all agreed upon quickly, before the large reversals and dramatic annulment of positions took place.
Day 2:
The day was composed principally of discussions related to the territorial defense and economic development of the Federations. The meeting was quite dramatic, with grand proclamations and conflicts between the Federations. The principal conflict came from a written agreement signed on April 7, 2005 that describes FICSH’s and FIPSE’s decision to commence talks with the petroleum company Burlington Resources LTD. It was signed by the Ecuadorian Ministry of Energy and Mines, a representative from Burlington, the President of FICSH (Cunambi) and the President of FIPSE (Daniel Nayapi). While only declaring to talk in the future and not to commence petroleum development, this agreement ruptured the previous unity and adherence to the constitution of the Comité Interfederacional which explicitly stipulates that there shall be no negotiations with any petroleum company and that all negotiations and decisions with outside companies and the government made by any Federations must have representatives from all three Federations present. FINAE, who most strictly adheres to the “NO PETROLEUM” rule, were conspicuously absent from these negotiations with Burlington.
My bosses thought that the maneuver to disown the leaders of CONFENIAE was an attempt to prolong discussion and avoid the necessary confrontation over the petroleum talks and accord. However, a man named Miguel introduced the topic, delineating his belief in maintaining a line of “No petroleum.” Yet he explained that the Federations need to develop, and invited a discussion over how to define development and how to best improve their economy and their futures. He explained that a concrete Plan for Economic Development of the Shuar did not exist, and that they must create one before taking further and possibly unpopular and devastating actions. He suggested that development implied working with their natural resources but not in a way that destroys the non-renewable ones. He suggested ecotourism, handicrafts, and the harvest of coffee and achiote as viable alternatives to petroleum. He pleaded that the three Federations remain united as a committee, and that the agreement by FICSH and FIPSE could destroy eight years of constructing a strong plan for the defense of their territories against petroleum extraction.
Confronted with the challenge to explain their actions and define development, each president stood up and made a speech.
First spoke Enrique Cunambi. This man is a bear, a man with a large presence with the finest clothing of any of the leaders, making decisive declarations in a booming voice. Everyone was intimidated by him, even Milton Callera, president of FINAE and CI, because the Shuar see themselves as the Achuars’ big brothers. All throughout the conference, Cunambi had been talking about the difference between the leaders of the Federations, including himself, and the base populations who elected them. He declared that they needed immediate economic assistance to overcome persistent poverty, and that he wanted to start grand companies that were entirely Shuar run and owned. While the leaders wear nice clothing, travel to conferences in other countries, and have shoes, the base “have parasites, eat only ají (chili peppers) and walk barefoot.” Indeed, this dichotomy could be seen at the meeting between the leaders and commoners who were present. Cunambi said he wanted $1 million to start businesses, and then put all of the NGOs on the spot demanding to know how much they would give to FICSH. This was a bold and incredibly rude move, and some of the NGO observers were furious at this, especially CDES, who was not even a financial assistance organization, but rather a legal promoter of the Federation’s collective rights and the defense of its territories. Cunambi went on to declare that the Shuar are entitled to 2-story concrete houses and cars (which necessitate roads, which are barely present in Shuar territory). He held quite a different vision of the goals of development than everyone else present.
However, Cunambi did make a half-apology for the agreement with Burlington. He called it a sin, but explained that everyone was at fault, even CI, although he didn’t really a give reason backing this assertion. At the same time, he reasoned that his intentions were always benevolent, that he had been pressured, as President, to help his people any way that he could, and that other avenues of slower alternative development had not yet proven effective. He also explained that he was pressured by the government into the discussions and the agreement with Burlington. He said that he will not enter into further negotiations without the will of his people, and will travel around his territories asking their opinions on the petroleum. Only then will he make a decision about whether he should continue or terminate all talks with petroleum companies. I have a feeling he might put a biased spin on the debate in his presentation to his bases.
He further emphasized that he never took Burlington money. However, my bosses and I believe that he indeed is receiving payoffs from Burlington. At lunch that day, he disappeared to Puyo and returned late, and my boss Cristina cynically asserted that he was probably telling Burlington about the proceedings of the meeting. There could be much truth in this assertion, although it is just a premonition.
Cunambi did not once express that CI should publicly nullify the agreement. Callera and the representative of FIPSE (Nayapi, the president, was absent) promoted this option, which was eventually agreed upon by all those present, even Cunambi. The representative of FIPSE explained that he did not understand Nayapi’s reasons for signing, but that it was a unilateral decision by the president. He emphasized that his base would not accept the petroleum agreement, even if it was signed in the interests of “development” to ostensibly benefit these very bases. He emphasized that the bases need money, that they can’t survive without money, but that the destructiveness of petroleum extraction is not worth the money they will receive.
Milton Callera spoke next, describing how devastating it was that the other Federations broke the agreement to make decisions together as a group of 3 federations. He further emphasized how the base populations must ultimately decide on how the leaders, the Federations, and CI should proceed. Out of respect, he said he understood that the intentions of Cunambi and Nayapi were good, that they didn’t mean to hurt anybody, and that everyone wants to develop economically. But he repeated that all decisions and negotiations with the government must be made as a group of three Federations, unless they decide to break from CI forever. He further underlined the temptations of petroleum development, that he had once been offered $70,000 by a petroleum company, but that instead of taking the money and running to the US and living happily, he decided he would reject the offer, stay with his base and protect his territories and the collective rights of the Achuar. He demanded that the agreement be annulled and that, while Callera would not judge nor sanction him, Cunambi must realize that he broke the principles of his people and the principal agreement of the CI constitution.
An old man who was wearing the shabbiest clothing at the meeting waited patiently for his turn to speak. He was a perfect manifestation of the base population, an impoverished Shuar who came to the meeting hoping to make resolutions to help his people. He seemed frustrated by the lack of progress thus far. He spoke only in Shuar, while the majority of the people present spoke in Spanish and Shuar (indeed, the meeting was conducted primarily in Spanish). This man explained that in the past, the Shuar respected and kept to their word. Now they do not, they write and write and talk in meetings but never keep to their agreements. He demanded that the Comité keep to its word to prevent fighting that will lead nowhere and will only be destructive. They must keep to their original agreements, which were broken by the agreement of further discussions with Burlington. After he spoke, everyone applauded for the first time all day. While I didn’t know what he said until I was told later, his inflections and emotions and the respect he commanded as an elder were quite striking. After further debate, CI indeed decided to publicly annul the agreement of April 7.
The meeting produced a three page resolution. I have translated it into English and posted it here. Download file
Some Reflections
At this point, Pachamama left to get back to Quito that night, but we were told later that the members of the meeting continued deliberating until midnight on various and lesser issues. For me, the political process I observed was fascinating. The in-fighting among members of an organization that was supposedly unified and strong (until a few months ago) was striking. The position of power of each member of the meeting, for the most part, directly correlated with their license to freely assert their beliefs and the length of their speeches. The female leaders rarely spoke, and Cunambi and Callera spoke 2-3x more than anybody else, hogging time with speeches that were ten minutes or longer. Only a man named Domingo, who spoke often, succinctly, rationally, and to the point (though this is probably a subjective cultural bias of mine), broke this rule as an Achuar lacking a position of leadership in FINAE or CI. I really enjoyed hearing different positions and viewpoints, observing who seemed to be effective leaders, and understanding the dynamics of Shuar and Achuar oral cultural traditions. These included they way people spoke, who they looked at and addressed, how long they spoke, how they used phrases of courtesy in their speeches, and how they repeated their ideas often in each speech.
I hold both fear and hope for the Comité Interfederacional and for the prospects of finding an alternative means of development for the Shuar and Achuar while defending their territories from development by extractive industries. FINAE seemed to be united in its understanding of the drawbacks and destructiveness of petroleum development, but I fear that the Shuar may crumble. Indeed, there are many differences between them: the Achuar live completely surrounded by rainforest while some areas of Shuar territory have roads accessible to Petroleum Companies. These areas are more impoverished and less self-sustaining than the territories further into the jungle. Cunambi may be leading his people to their destruction for his own personal gain, which would be beyond devastating. I believe, based on the few moments of consensus in this meeting and from stories about past agreements of the Comité, that CI can be an effective mobilizing and unifying body for these Federations in the future, and that it may be necessary to promote this larger unity to continue to defend its territories and promote the self-determination, collective rights, and economic development of these indigenous nations.
Posted by Lee Gilman at June 21, 2005 05:39 PM
